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Males and females solved interesting puzzles in the presence of a same-sex confederate who posed as a second subject doing the same activity. Half the subjects were instructed to compete against each other (i.e., to try to solve the puzzles faster than the other person) while half were simply instructed to work as quickly as they could so as to finish in the allotted time. The results showed a significant main effect in which competition decreased intrinsic motivation. 7his was particularly true for females.
Research on coercion in addiction treatment typically investigates objective sources of social pressure among legally mandated clients. Little research has examined the impact of clients' perceptions of social pressures in generalist addiction services. Clients seeking substance abuse treatment (N =300; 221 males and 79 females; M age=36.6 years) rated the extent to which treatment was being sought because of coercive social pressures (external motivation; α =.89), guilt about continued substance abuse (introjected motivation; α =.84), or a personal choice and commitment to the goals of the program (identified motivation; α =.85). External treatment motivation was positively correlated with legal referral, social network pressures to enter treatment, and was inversely related to problem severity. In contrast, identified treatment motivation was positively correlated with self-referral and problem severity, and was inversely related to perceived coercion (ps<.05). Hierarchical multiple regression analyses showed that referral source (i.e., mandated treatment status), legal history, and social network pressures did not predict any of 6 measures of client engagement at the time treatment was sought. However, treatment motivation variables accounted for unique variance in these outcomes when added to each model (ΔR 2s=.06–.23, ps<.05). Specifically, identified treatment motivation predicted perceived benefits of reducing substance use, attempts to reduce drinking and drug use, as well as self (and therapist) ratings of interest in the upcoming treatment episode (βs=.18–.31, ps<.05). Results suggest that the presence of legal referral and/or social network pressures to quit, cut down, and/or enter treatment does not affect client engagement at treatment entry.
Financial knowledge and sound financial decision making are now broadly recognized to be important determinants of both personal and societal prosperity, but research has yet to examine how distinct qualities of motivation may be associated with the way people manage their money. In two studies we applied the framework of Self-Determination Theory (SDT) to examine people's autonomous (volitional) and controlled (pressured) motivation for understanding and managing their finances, as well as their amotivation (lack of motivation) for doing so, and the differential associations these motives have with financial knowledge and financial well-being. American participants (Study 1, N = 516; Study 2, N = 534) completed detailed demographic surveys and questionnaires assessing the financial variables of interest. As hypothesized, SDT's motivational constructs were associated with financial outcomes over and above participants' age, gender, income, household wealth, and educational attainment. Autonomous motivation was positively associated with a host of positive financial behaviors and characteristics (e.g., saving/investing and financial self-efficacy, well-being, and self-awareness). Controlled motivation was negatively associated with financial well-being. Amotivation was positively associated with overspending and negatively associated with financial self-efficacy and well-being. These findings support the relevance of SDT's framework in this domain and suggest that interventions aimed at promoting financial knowledge and wellness may benefit by adopting evidence-supported strategies for optimizing more autonomous motivations and addressing amotivations.
This study tested whether students who learned with an active orientation would be more intrinsically motivated to learn and would learn more than students who learned with a passive orientation. The active orientation was created by having subjects learn material with the expectation of teaching it to another student; the passive orientation was created by having subjects learn the same material with the expectation of being tested on it. The results indicate that subjects who learned in order to teach were more intrinsically motivated, had higher conceptual learning scores, and perceived themselves to be more actively engaged with the environment than subjects who learned in order to be examined. The two groups were equal, however, in their rote learning scores. The effects of exposure to the material were ruled out as an explanation because the two groups reported spending equal time with the material. The results are discussed in terms of intrinsic motivation theory.
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Sitting alone with one’s thoughts could foster a sense of rest and relaxation, yet many find this activity difficult. In two preregistered experiments (Study 1: n = 266, Study 2: n = 369), we focused on autonomy-supportive and controlling framings of solitude as drivers of motivation for solitude, positive experiences such as enjoyment and relaxation, negative experiences such as frustration and boredom, and negative thoughts like worries and rumination. In Study 1, we found support for one hypothesis that autonomy-supportive instructions to sit alone with thoughts led to greater autonomous motivation for solitude compared to controlling instructions that pressured participants to sit alone. However, the effect of instructions on autonomous motivation was trivial, with a smaller effect observed in Study 2. More importantly, we did not find evidence that our autonomy-supportive instructions meaningfully influenced self-reported measures of participants’ experiences with sitting alone with thoughts, nor both self-reported and behavioral measures intention to be in solitude again. Examination of null effects suggested that most differences between autonomy-supportive and controlling-instruction conditions were likely too small to be practically meaningful. However, some null findings in relation to excitement, relaxation, or frustration during sitting alone with thoughts were equivocal and required larger sample sizes to determine whether there was indeed an absence of effect. Consistent with findings reported by Nguyen et al. (2018), participants displayed drops in high-arousal types of affect and increases in low-arousal types of affect. Future research is needed to explore other factors that influence motivation for solitude and lead people to benefit from the regulatory effects of time spent alone.
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(1996). Making Room for Self-Regulation: Some Thoughts on the Link Between Emotion and Behavior. Psychological Inquiry: Vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 220-223..
No abstract is provided for this article.
No abstract is provided for this article.