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Among the most important concerns of people across the globe are issues of freedom and control. Indeed, despite some horrific exceptions, the modern world is trending toward greater human rights, tolerance for diversity, and allowance for individual choices in vocations and lifestyles. Everywhere people fight against oppression and dictatorial controls, and groups that have been stigmatized struggle for equal rights and respect. At a more individual level, people move during their development toward greater self-regulation. They suffer under excessively controlling caregivers, teachers, clinicians, coaches, and bosses. In general, people are more likely to thrive and be positively engaged and motivated in settings where they are empowered and feel a sense of autonomy.
Physicians used either an autonomy-supportive or a controlling interpersonal style to counsel smokers based on National Cancer Institute guidelines. Physician autonomy support was rated from audiotapes, and patients' perceived competence and autonomous motivation for quitting were self-reported on questionnaires. Validated point prevalences for 6, 12, and 30 months and for continuous cessation were examined. The intervention did not have a direct effect on quit rates; however, structural equation modeling supported the self-determination process model of smoking cessation. The model indicated that the autonomy-supportive intervention was rated as more autonomy supportive, that rated autonomy support predicted autonomous motivation, and that autonomous motivation predicted cessation at all points in time. Perceived competence contributed independent variance to cessation only at 6 months.
Despite many recent technical breakthroughs in health care, human behaviour remains the largest source of variance in health-related outcomes (Schroeder, 2007). People’s health and well-being are robustly affected by lifestyle factors such as smoking, hygiene, diet, and physical activity, all of which involve behaviours that are potentially controllable by the individual. In addition, outside of acute care settings, the effectiveness of most health care interventions is highly dependent on the patient’s adherence to self-care activities such as taking medications, performing self-examinations, or refraining from specific activities or habits. A significant problem is the poor adherence to prescribed changes or recommended behaviours over time.
In this research we showed that solitude generally has a deactivation effect on people’s affective experiences, decreasing both positive and negative high-arousal affects. In Study 1, we found that the deactivation effect occurred when people were alone, but not when they were with another person. Study 2 showed that this deactivation effect did not depend on whether or not the person was engaged in an activity such as a reading when alone. In Study 3, high-arousal positive affect did not drop in a solitude condition in which participants specifically engaged in positive thinking or when they actively chose what to think about. Finally, in Study 4, we found that solitude could lead to relaxation and reduced stress when individuals actively chose to be alone. This research thus shed light on solitude effects in the past literature, and on people’s experiences when alone and the different factors that moderate these effects.
In this commentary, Chapters 1, 2, and 3 are each reviewed and discussed in terms of the extent to which they specify and meaningfully address the central motives operative in human psychological development. Drawing from work in self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1991; Ryan, 1995), the author suggests that there are basic human psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness whose fulfillment is essential to personality growth and well-being, and for the integration of the individual into significant social relationships and cultural groups. The distinction between psychological needs and related concepts such as motives, desires, and personal goals is discussed. It is argued that, in broad terms, Kuhl and Fuhrmann primarily emphasize the issue of autonomy; Heckhausen and Schultz the issue of competence; and Higgins and Loeb the issue of relatedness. Each thus addresses a different fundamental need upon which both psychological development and well-being depend. All three chapters are further examined for comparisons, contrasts, and limitations with respect to each other and to the self-determination model of personality functioning. Furthermore, each is considered in terms of the degree to which it addresses social and cultural issues of import in human motivation and life-span development.
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Effects on intrinsic motivation of three elements of the competitive situation (viz., competitive set, competitive outcome, and inter-personal context) were explored. Participants solved puzzles with a same-sex confederate under one of five experimental inductions, and intrinsic motivation was assessed by subsequent free-choice behavior and self-reports of interest/enjoyment. As predicted by cognitive evaluation theory, competitive outcome(viz., winning vs. losing) and interpersonal context (viz., pressured vs. nonpressured) affected intrinsic motivation. Path analyses showed that (a) winning (relative to losing) increased intrinsic motivation by enhancing perceived competence and (b) a pressured (relative to nonpressured) interpersonal context decreased intrinsic motivation by diminishing perceived self-determination. Further, competence valuation-the importance one places on doing well-related positively to perceived competence, perceived self-determination, and intrinsic motivation.
No abstract is provided for this article.
