This acoustic study investigates effects of boundary and prominence on the temporal structure of s#CV and #sCV in English, and on the phonetic implementation of the allophonic rule whereby a voiceless stop after /s/ becomes unaspirated. Results obtained with acoustic temporal measures for /sCV/ sequences showed that the segments at the source of prosodic strengthening (i.e., /s/ in #sCV for boundary marking and the nucleus vowel for prominence marking) were expanded in both absolute and relational terms, whereas other durational components distant from the source (e.g., stop closure duration in #sCV) showed temporal expansion only in the absolute measure. This suggests that speakers make an extra effort to expand the very first segment and the nucleus vowel more than the rest of the sequence in order to signal the pivotal loci of the boundary vs. the prominence information. The potentially ambiguous s#CV and #sCV sequences (e.g., ice#can vs. eye#scan) were never found to be neutralized even in the phrase-internal condition, cuing the underlying syllable structures with fine phonetic detail. Most crucially, an already short lag VOT in #sCV (due to the allophonic rule) was shortened further under prosodic strengthening, which was interpreted as enhancement of the phonetic feature {voiceless unaspirated}. It was proposed that prosodic strengthening makes crucial reference to the phonetic feature system of the language and operates on a phonetic feature, including the one derived by a language-specific allophonic rule. An alternative account was also discussed in gestural terms in the framework of Articulatory Phonology.
The artificial language learning paradigm was used to investigate to what extent the use of prosodic features is universally applicable or specifically language driven in learning an unfamiliar language, and how nonnative prosodic patterns can be learned. Listeners of unrelated languages—Dutch ( n = 100) and Korean ( n = 100)—participated. The words to be learned varied with prosodic cues: no prosody, fundamental frequency (F0) rise in initial and final position, final lengthening, and final lengthening plus F0 rise. Both listener groups performed well above chance level with the final lengthening cue, confirming its crosslinguistic use. As for final F0 rise, however, Dutch listeners did not use it until the second exposure session, whereas Korean listeners used it at initial exposure. Neither group used initial F0 rise. On the basis of these results, F0 and durational cues appear to be universal in the sense that they are used across languages for their universally applicable auditory-perceptual saliency, but how they are used is language specific and constrains the use of available prosodic cues in processing a nonnative language. A discussion on how these findings bear on theories of second language (L2) speech perception and learning is provided.
This study examines acoustic and aerodynamic characteristics of consonants in standard Korean and in Cheju, an endangered Korean language. The focus is on the well-known three-way distinction among voiceless stops (i.e., lenis, fortis, aspirated) and the two-way distinction between the voiceless fricatives /s/ and /s*/. While such a typologically unusual contrast among voiceless stops has long drawn the attention of phoneticians and phonologists, there is no single work in the literature that discusses a body of data representing a relatively large number of speakers. This study reports a variety of acoustic and aerodynamic measures obtained from 12 Korean speakers (four speakers of Seoul Korean and eight speakers of Cheju). Results show that, in addition to findings similar to those reported by others, there are three crucial points worth noting. Firstly, lenis, fortis, and aspirated stops are systematically differentiated from each other by the voice quality of the following vowel. Secondly, these stops are also differentiated by aerodynamic mechanisms. The aspirated and fortis stops are similar in supralaryngeal articulation, but employ a different relation between intraoral pressure and flow. Thirdly, our study suggests that the fricative /s/ is better categorized as “lenis” rather than “aspirated”. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of Korean data for theories of the voicing contrast and their phonological representations.
We thank the Korean speakers for their participation, and the reviewers for their helpful comments. This work was supported in part by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF2018S1A5A2A03036736).
The present study examined how listeners of Seoul Korean would recover deleted phonemes in consonant cluster simplification. In a phoneme monitoring experiment, listeners had to monitor for C2 (/k/ or /p/) in C1C2C3 when C2 was deleted (C1 was preserved) or preserved (C1 was deleted). The target consonant (C2) was either /k/ or /p/ (e.g., ilk-t?lato vs. palp-t?lato), and there were two listener groups, one group tested in 2002 and the other in 2009. Some points have emerged from the results. First, listeners were able to detect deleted phonemes as accurately and rapidly as preserved phonemes, showing that the physical presence of the acoustic information did not improve the listeners' performance. This suggests that listeners must have relied on language-specific phonological knowledge about the consonant cluster simplification, rather than relying on the low-level acoustic-phonetic information. Second, listener groups (participants in 2002 vs. 2009), differed in processing /p/ versus /k/: listeners in 2009 failed to detect /p/ more frequently than those in 2002, suggesting that the way the consonant cluster sequence is produced and perceived has changed over time. This result was interpreted as coming from statistical patterns of speech production in contemporary Seoul Korean as reported in a recent study by Cho & Kim (2009): /p/ is deleted far more often than /p/ is preserved, which is likely reflected in the way listeners process simplified variants. Finally, listeners processed /k/ more efficiently than /p/, especially when the target was physically present (in C-preserved condition), indicating that listeners benefited more from the presence of /k/ than of /p/. This was interpreted as supporting the view that velars are perceptually more robust than labials, which constrains shaping phonological patterns of the language. These results were then discussed in terms of their implications for theories of spoken word recognition.
In two experiments, it was investigated whether potentially contrastive segmental information in the form of an epenthetic glottal stop in Maltese can influence syntactic parsing decisions. The glottal stop in Maltese serves a dual function as a phoneme used for lexical contrast and a non-contrastive phone that may mark a prosodic juncture. In both experiments, participants perceived a larger prosodic boundary before the word u (Engl. “and”) if the u was produced with an epenthetic glottal stop, showing the use of prosodically conditioned segmental information in syntactic parsing. Furthermore, listeners were generally unaware of the existence of the epenthetic glottal stop even though a glottal stop is used as a phoneme represented as a grapheme “q.” They also perceived a larger prosodic juncture when the preceding syllable was lengthened before the word u (“and”). These findings were consistent regardless of whether the glottal stop reinforced a late-closure decision (Experiment 1) or an early-closure decision (Experiment 2). The results indicate that both segmental and suprasegmental information influences syntactic parsing decisions, demonstrating that the syntax–prosody interface is reflected along both the segmental and suprasegmental (duration) dimensions, which are mediated by the phonetics–prosody interface.
This pilot, proof-of-concept, study was designed to assess the effect of a blend of Lactobacillus helveticus Rosell®-52 and Bifidobacterium longum Rosell®-175 on parameters of skin quality. Capsules containing L. helveticus Rosell®-52 and B. longum Rosell®-175 were given to 35 healthy women (3 billion CFU/d for 56 days), and assessments of skin quality were performed at baseline, as well as on days 28 and 56. Importantly, the formulation significantly reduced the appearance of fine lines and improved skin firmness, elasticity, and hydration. In addition, study participants experienced improvements in sleep quality and felt less stressed (PSS-10 subjective stress questionnaire). Taken together, these results provide the rationale to conduct a larger, placebo-controlled trial and to assess the effects of the oral probiotic intake in healthy women with more visible signs of skin aging.
This study examined preboundary lengthening and other kinematic characteristics of articulatory gestures in CV.CV and CV.CVC before prosodic boundaries in Korean. Preboundary lengthening was found to be extended to initial syllables in both CV.CVand CV.CVC, while its magnitude was largest on the final syllable. The preboundary lengthening effect was also reflected in the time-to-peak velocity (acceleration duration), but only on gestures of the final syllable. Preboundary lengthening was accompanied by substantial increase in both displacement and peak velocity, showing domain-final articulatory strengthening. This articulatory strengthening effect on preboundary gestures (at the right edge of prosodic constituent) was largely dovetailed with the notion of an edge-prominence language where boundary marking is assumed to be closely related with prominence lending. These results were compared in two different conditions driven by information structure (‘new’ vs. ‘given’) and were discussed to understand the observed kinematic pattern in dynamical terms in the theoretical framework of the π-gesture model. 
Many languages mark vowel-initial words with a glottal stop. We show that this occurs in Maltese, even though the glottal stop also occurs as a phoneme in Maltese. As a consequence, words with and without an underlying (phonemic) glottal stop (e.g., a glottal stop-zero minimal pair qal /Ɂɑ:l/ vs. ghal /ɑ:l/ Engl., 'he said'-'because') can become homophonous in connected speech. We first tested the extent of this phonetic marking of vowel-initial words in a production experiment and found that even in fluent productions, about half of the vowel-initial words are marked with an epenthetic glottal stop. The epenthetic glottal stop is more likely to occur when the preceding word is longer, showing a kind of preboundary lengthening at a phrase-level prosodic boundary. A subsequent perception study (Experiment 2) using a two-alternative forced-choice task with a minimal pair of a glottal stop-initial and a vowel-initial word indicated that listeners are sensitive to the durationally conditioned prosodic context before the test word, and they are more likely to perceive a vowel-initial word when the preceding word is lengthened. An additional eye-tracking study (Experiment 3) using onset-overlap pairs (e.g., qafla /Ɂɑflɑ/ - afda, /ɑfdɑ/ → [Ɂɑfda], Engl., 'to trust' - 'chord') showed no early influence of prosodic cues on segmental processing. But a gating experiment (Experiment 4) replicated the prosodic effect observed in Experiment 2. Taken together, our results indicate an interaction between prosodic processing and segmental processing that comes into effect relatively late in speech processing.
This article presents acoustic data on coarticulatory vowel nasalization from the productions of twelve L1 Korean speakers and of fourteen Korean learners of L2 English. The dataset includes eight monosyllabic target words embedded in eight carrier sentences, each repeated four times per speaker. Half of the words contain a nasal coda such as p*am in Korean and bomb in English and the other half a nasal onset such as mat in Korean and mob in English. These were produced under varied prosodic conditions, including three phrase positions and two focus conditions, enabling analysis of prosodic effects on vowel nasalization across languages along with individual speaker variation. The accompanying CSV files provide acoustic measurements such as nasal consonant duration, A1-P0, and normalized A1-P0 at multiple timepoints within the vowel. While theoretical implications have been discussed in two published studies, the full dataset is published here. By making these data publicly available, we aim to promote broad reuse and encourage further research at the intersection of prosody, phonetics, and second language acquisition—ultimately advancing our understanding of how phonetic patterns emerge, transfer, and vary across languages and learners.
A detailed analysis of the phonetic structures of Aleut, a moribund language spoken in Alaska, shows how much general phonetic information can be gathered from the investigation of an endangered language. Aleut has an unusual distribution of consonants, with varying functional loads. There are no bilabial stops. Among alveolar, velar and uvular stops, VOT is shorter for alveolar than for velar or uvular stops, but, despite current general phonetic theories, there is no difference in VOT between velar and uvular stops. VOT is also longer before long vowels than before short vowels. Uvular consonants have a significant effect on the formants of following high vowels. There are three vowels and a vowel length contrast. Again, despite previous general phonetic predictions concerning languages with vowel-length contrasts, length plays a role in characterizing stress. Contrastive ratios are maintained between short and long vowels and stressed syllables are longer. Analyses of intonation show that each content word has a peak at its beginning and a trough at its end. Word contours combine with sentence downtrends to form sentence contours of cascading F 0, each word a step in the cascade. But, unlike the situation in other languages, yes/no questions have the same intonation contours as declarative sentences. Phonetic descriptions and measurements of general theoretical interest include C and V inventories, VOT measurements for coronal, velar and uvular stops, vowel-quality plots, vowel-duration measurements, question and declarative pitch tracks, pitch-track smoothing, and question vs. declarative sentence pitch medians.
Prosodic structure has been assumed to serve as a frame for articulation, so that phonetic shaping of abstract phonological representations is fine‐tuned as a function of the prosodic system of the language. The intricate relationship between phonetics and prosodic structure has been explored in the literature under the rubric of the phonetics–prosody interface. This paper reviews various aspects of the phonetics–prosody interface and discusses how prosodic structure modulates phonetic realization within and across languages. A particular attention is paid to boundary‐related prosodic strengthening (i.e., spatial and/or temporal expansion of articulation that arises in the vicinity of prosodic junctures), especially in association with domain‐initial positions (also known as domain‐initial strengthening, DIS, effects). Prosodic boundary strengthening is further discussed in terms of how it is language‐specifically fine‐tuned, how it is understood in dynamical terms, and how it relates to linguistic functions (as syntagmatic vs. paradigmatic contrast enhancement) that are all further conditioned by other factors of the linguistic sound system of individual languages such as the prominence system and the phonetic feature system.
Despite numerous studies on lax, aspirated, and fortis stops in Korean, few have reported on the role of the following vowel in consonant perception. This paper examines the degree to which vowels convey the phonation characteristics of the preceding obstruents, with a hypothesis: Native speakers utilize vowel’s quality in perceiving the preceding obstruents. This study includes (1) acoustic analyses of VOT, F0, intensity build-up, and vowel length and (2) the perception test, where subjects were instructed to indentify CV syllables using stimuli with consonant portions completely removed. The acoustic analyses indicate that the acoustic characteristics associated with vowels pattern systematically with preceding obstruents (e.g., systematic difference in vowel length). In the perception test, subjects correctly identified the missing consonant 78% of the time, supporting the hypothesis. The probability was higher for the fortis than for the aspirated obstruents: Obstruents with longer VOTs spread less acoustic information into the following vowels, suggesting that the nature of VOT is possibly ‘‘voiceless vowelness.’’ Most wrongly identified aspirated obstruents were misperceived as fortis ones, confirming that the aspirated and the fortis consonants share some acoustic features (e.g., higher F0, rapid intensity buildup). The overall results indicate that following vowels play a pivotal role in consonant perception.
