This study investigates focus and boundary effects on Korean nasal consonants and vowel nasalization. Under focus, nasal consonants lengthen in CVN# but shorten in #NVC, enhancing [nasal] vs [oral]. Vowels resist nasalization under focus, enhancing [oral]. Domain-initial nasal consonants denasalize, exercising no coarticulatory influence. Domain-final nasal consonants shorten counter to expectation, although vowel nasalization increases. Comparison with English data reveals similarities (focus-induced coarticulatory resistance) despite cross-linguistic differences in marking prominence, but it also suggests that prosodic-structural conditioning of non-contrastive vowel nasalization, albeit based on phonetic underpinnings of coarticulatory process, is fine-tuned in language-specific ways, resulting in cross-linguistic variation.
We investigated how listeners of two unrelated languages, Dutch and Korean, process phonotactically legitimate and illegitimate sounds spoken in Dutch and American English. To Dutch listeners, unreleased word-final stops are phonotactically illegal because word-final stops in Dutch are generally released in isolation, but to Korean listeners, released final stops are illegal because word-final stops are never released in Korean. Two phoneme monitoring experiments showed a phonotactic effect: Dutch listeners detected released stops more rapidly than unreleased stops whereas the reverse was true for Korean listeners. Korean listeners with English stimuli detected released stops more accurately than unreleased stops, however, suggesting that acoustic-phonetic cues associated with released stops improve detection accuracy. We propose that in non-native speech perception, phonotactic legitimacy in the native language speeds up phoneme recognition, the richness of acousticphonetic cues improves listening accuracy, and familiarity with the non-native language modulates the relative influence of these two factors.
No abstract is provided for this article.
This article presents articulatory–kinematic data on preboundary lengthening (Intonational Phrase-final lengthening) from the productions of ten native speakers of American English—a relatively rare class of phonetic data compared with the more widely available acoustic data. The dataset includes three trisyllabic nonce words (bábaba, babába, bababá), each designed to manipulate the location of lexical stress. These were produced under prosodic conditions that varied in boundary position and focus-induced phrasal prominence, enabling analysis of how preboundary lengthening is distributed across words with different lexical stress locations and how it interacts with prosodic prominence. Articulatory data were collected using electromagnetic articulography (EMA, Carstens AG200), providing kinematic measurements such as movement duration, peak velocity, and displacement of articulatory gestures. The accompanying files allow examination of individual speaker variation in these measures as modulated by prosodic structure, including boundary and prominence effects. While theoretical findings have been reported in a previous study, the full dataset, including detailed descriptions of individual speaker patterns, is made available here. By making these less commonly available articulatory data publicly available, we aim to promote broad reuse and support further research in prosody, articulatory phonetics, and speech production.
Prosodic focus marking in Seoul Korean is known to be achieved primarily through prosodic phrasing, different from the use of prosody for this purpose in many other languages. This study investigates how children use prosodic phrasing for focus-marking purposes in Seoul Korean, compared to adults.
This paper is about one way in which prosody affects individual speech segments, with segmental phonetics showing a perhaps surprising sensitivity to higher-level linguistic structure. By prosody we mean the phrasal and tonal organisation of speech. We will show that phonetic properties of individual segments depend on their prosodic position, or position in prosodic structure.
This study addressed prosodic effects on the duration of and amount of glottal vibration in German word-initial fricatives /f, v, z/ in assimilatory and non-assimilatory devoicing contexts. Fricatives following /ə/ (non-assimilation context) were longer and were produced with less glottal vibration after higher prosodic boundaries, reflecting domain-initial prosodic strengthening. After /t/ (assimilation context), lenis fricatives (/v, z/) were produced with less glottal vibration than after /ə/, due to assimilatory devoicing. This devoicing was especially strong across lower prosodic boundaries, showing the influence of prosodic structure on sandhi processes. Reduction in glottal vibration made lenis fricatives more fortis-like (/f, s/). Importantly, fricative duration, another major cue to the fortis-lenis distinction, was affected by initial lengthening, but not by assimilation. Hence, at smaller boundaries, fricatives were more devoiced (more fortis-like), but also shorter (more lenis-like). As a consequence, the fortis and lenis fricatives remained acoustically distinct in all prosodic and segmental contexts. Overall, /z/ was devoiced to a greater extent than /v/. Since /z/ does not have a fortis counterpart in word-initial position, these findings suggest that phonotactic restrictions constrain phonetic processes. The present study illuminates a complex interaction of prosody, sandhi processes, and phonotactics, yielding systematic phonetic cues to prosodic structure and phonological distinctions.
Chapter 9 explores prosodic structure as an integral component of linguistic structure. Prosodic structure specifies how phonological constituents are to be grouped to form larger units within a given utterance; this is known as their delimitative function. Prosodic structure also helps determine which of phonological constituents are produced with prominence relative to the other constituents; this is known as its culminative function. These functions entail strengthening of segmental realization (prosodic strengthening), often leading to linguistic enhancement of syntagmatic and paradigmatic contrast. Theories of the phonetics-prosody interface assume that phonetic realization of the spoken utterance is fine-tuned according to prosodic structure. In turn, crucial aspects of phonetic realization signal higher-order prosodic structure for listeners.
This study investigated how coda voicing contrast in English would be phonetically encoded in the temporal vs. spectral dimension of the preceding vowel (in vowel duration vs. F1/F2) by Korean L2 speakers of English, and how their L2 phonetic encoding pattern would be compared to that of native English speakers. Crucially, these questions were explored by taking into account the phonetics-prosody interface, testing effects of prominence by comparing target segments in three focus conditions (phonological focus, lexical focus, and no focus) that stem from information structure. Results showed that Korean speakers utilized the temporal dimension (vowel duration) to encode coda voicing contrast, but failed to use the spectral dimension (F1/F2), reflecting their native language experience—i.e., with a more sparsely populated vowel space in Korean, they are less sensitive to small changes in the spectral dimension, and hence fine-grained spectral cues in English are not readily accessible. Results also showed that along the temporal dimension, both the L1 and L2 speakers hyperarticulated coda voicing contrast under prominence (when phonologically or lexically focused), but hypoarticulated it in the non-prominent condition. This indicates that low-level phonetic realization and high-order information structure interact in a communicatively efficient way, regardless of the speakers' native language background. The Korean speakers, however, used the temporal phonetic space differently from the way the native speakers did, especially showing less reduction in the no focus condition. This was also attributable to their native language experience—i.e., the Korean speakers' use of temporal dimension is constrained in a way that is not detrimental to the preservation of coda voicing contrast, given that they fail to add additional cues along the spectral dimension. The results imply that the L2 phonetic system can be more fully illuminated through an investigation of the phonetics-prosody interface that is further modulated by higher-order linguistic structure such as information structure as well as by the L2 speakers' native language experience.
This study investigates how second-language (L2) listeners from five first-language (L1) backgrounds—English, Dutch, Mandarin, Spanish, and Korean—perceive English lexical stress, focusing on their use of vowel quality, pitch, and duration cues. Participants completed a cue-weighting perception task (Tremblay et al., 2021) in which two acoustic dimensions were manipulated orthogonally while the third was neutralized. Data for Dutch listeners come from the original study. Predictions about cross-lin-<br/>guistic transfer were based on the functional weight of each cue in the L1. The following L1 effects were predicted: For vowel quality: English, Mandarin > Dutch > Spanish, Korean; for pitch: Mandarin > Korean > Dutch, Spanish > English; for duration: English, Mandarin> Dutch, Spanish > Korean. Bayesian mixed-effects models tested the effects of cues and L1 with L2 proficiency (Lemh€ofer & Broersma, 2012) as a covariate. The results aligned broadly with our predictions: for vowel quality, English-> Mandarin > Dutch > Korean > Spanish; for pitch: Mandarin > Korean, Dutch > Spanish > English; for duration: English, Mandarin, Dutch > Spanish > Korean. These findings support a cue-weighting typology shaped by L1-specific cue prominence, with implications for theories of transfer and perceptual learning in L2 acquisition.
The current study investigates how prosodic strengthening induced by boundary and accent influences the articulation of English low front vowel /ae/ in add, had, and pad. Using Electromagnetic Articulograph (EMA), lip and jaw opening maxima, and tongue dorsum maxima in the horizontal (x) and vertical (y) dimensions were measured during the vocalic production. Boundary-induced strengthening was found in the tongue height (TD-y) dimension in all three words: /ae/ was lower domain-initially than -medially. In other measures, the boundary effect was conditioned by accent and the location of /ae/ within words. Domaininitial strengthening was found with the jaw opening maxima, with larger opening in a higher prosodic position, but it was only when the target words were unaccented. Also, the vowel in add tended to get fronted in a domain-initial position, but the same tendency was not observed in had and pad, suggesting the possibility that initial strengthening effect is conditioned by ‘phonological’ distance from the boundary edge. (had is phonologically similar to pad in that /h/ and /p/ occupy a phonological onset position.) Accent-induced strengthening was robust in all four articulatory measures. Results show that an accent-independent boundary effect is observed on vowels even in a language with lexical stress, and that the articulatory planning for the boundary-induced strengthening on vowels interacts with accent-induced strengthening.
No abstract is provided for this article.
In this study the effects of accent and prosodic boundaries on the production of English vowels (/ɑ,i/), by concurrently examining acoustic vowel formants and articulatory maxima of the tongue, jaw, and lips obtained with EMA (Electromagnetic Articulography) are investigated. The results demonstrate that prosodic strengthening (due to accent and/or prosodic boundaries) has differential effects depending on the source of prominence (in accented syllables versus at edges of prosodic domains; domain initially versus domain finally). The results are interpreted in terms of how the prosodic strengthening is related to phonetic realization of vowel features. For example, when accented, /i/ was fronter in both acoustic and articulatory vowel spaces (enhancing [−back]), accompanied by an increase in both lip and jaw openings (enhancing sonority). By contrast, at edges of prosodic domains (especially domain-finally), /i/ was not necessarily fronter, but higher (enhancing [+high]), accompanied by an increase only in the lip (not jaw) opening. This suggests that the two aspects of prosodic structure (accent versus boundary) are differentiated by distinct phonetic patterns. Further, it implies that prosodic strengthening, though manifested in fine-grained phonetic details, is not simply a low-level phonetic event but a complex linguistic phenomenon, closely linked to the enhancement of phonological features and positional strength that may license phonological contrasts.
This article provides individual speakers' acoustic durational data on preboundary (phrase-final) lengthening in Japanese. The data are based on speech recorded from fourteen native speakers of Tokyo Japanese in a laboratory setting. Each speaker produced Japanese disyllabic words with four different moraic structures (CVCV, CVCVN, CVNCV, and CVNCVN, where C stands for a non-nasal onset consonant, V for a vowel, and N for a moraic nasal coda) and two pitch accent patterns (initially-accented and unaccented). The target words were produced in carrier sentences in which they were placed in two different prosodic boundary conditions (Intonational Phrase-final ('IPf') and Intonational Phrase-medial ('IPm')) and two focus contexts (focused and unfocused). The measured raw values of acoustic duration of each segment in different conditions are included in a CSV-formatted file. Another CSV-formatted file is provided with numeric calculations in both absolute and relative terms that exhibit the magnitude of preboundary lengthening across different prominence contexts (focused/unfocused and initially-accented/unaccented). The absolute durational difference was obtained as a numeric increase of preboundary lengthening of each segment produced in phrase-final position versus phrase-medial position (i.e., Δ(IPf-IPm) where 'f' = 'final' and 'm' = 'medial'). The relative durational difference was obtained as a percentage increase of preboundary lengthening in IP-final position versus IP-medial position, which was calculated by the absolute durational difference divided by the duration of the segment in phrase-medial position and then multiplied by 100 (i.e., (Absolute difference/IPm)*100). This article also provides figures that exemplify speaker variation in terms of absolute and relative differences of preboundary lengthening as a function of pitch accent. Some theoretical aspects of the data are discussed in the full-length article entitled "Preboundary lengthening in Japanese: To what extent do lexical pitch accent and moraic structure matter?" [1].
This data article provides acoustic data for individual speakers' production of coda voicing contrast between stops in English, which are based on laboratory speech recorded by twelve native speakers of American English and twenty-four Korean learners of English. There were four pairs of English monosyllabic target words with voicing contrast in the coda position (bet-bed, pet-ped, bat-bad, pat-pad). The words were produced in carrier sentences in which they were placed in two different prosodic boundary conditions (Intonational Phrase initial and Intonation Phrase medial), two pitch accent conditions (nuclear-pitch accented and unaccented), and three focus conditions (lexical focus, phonological focus and no focus). The raw acoustic measurement values that are included in a CSV-formated file are F0, F1, F2 and duration of each vowel preceding a coda consonant; and Voice Onset Time of word-initial stops. This article also provides figures that exemplify individual speaker variation of vowel duration, F0, F1 and F2 as a function of focus conditions. The data can thus be potentially reused to observe individual variations in phonetic encoding of coda voicing contrast as a function of the aforementioned prosodically-conditioned factors (i.e., prosodic boundary, pitch accent, focus) in native vs. non-native English. Some theoretical aspects of the data are discussed in the full-length article entitled "Phonetic encoding of coda voicing contrast under different focus conditions in L1 vs. L2 English" [1].
This study investigates whether listeners’ cue weighting predicts their real‐time use of asynchronous acoustic information in spoken word recognition at both group and individual levels. By focusing on the time course of cue integration, we seek to distinguish between two theoretical views: the associated view (cue weighting is linked to cue integration strategy) and the independent view (no such relationship). The current study examines Seoul Korean listeners’ ( n = 62) weighting of voice onset time (VOT, available earlier in time) and onset fundamental frequency of the following vowel (F0, available later in time) when perceiving Korean stop contrasts (Experiment 1: cue‐weighting perception task) and the timing of VOT integration when recognizing Korean words that begin with a stop (Experiment 2: visual‐world eye‐tracking task). The group‐level results reveal that the timing of the early cue (VOT) integration is delayed when the later cue (F0) serves as the primary cue to process the stop contrast, supporting a relationship between cue weighting and the timing of cue integration (the associated view). At the individual level, listeners with greater reliance on F0 than VOT exhibited a further delayed integration of VOT. These findings suggest that the real‐time processing of asynchronously occurring acoustic cues for lexical activation is modulated by the weight that listeners assign to those cues, providing evidence for the associated view of cue integration. This study offers insights into the mechanisms of cue integration and spoken word recognition, and they shed light on variability in cue integration strategies among listeners.
