Recent articulatory studies [e.g., Keating, Cho, Fougeron, and Hsu (1998), forthcoming] using electropalatography have shown that consonants are generally produced with greater linguopalatal contact in domain-initial positions. This effect, known as articulatory prosodic strengthening, is generally cumulative: the higher the prosodic position, the more linguopalatal contact. The goal of this paper is to test for acoustic correlates of any such articulatory variations in Korean consonants /n,t,th,t*/ in prosodic positions (Utterance-, IP-, AP-, Word- and Syllable-initial), so that eventually the perceptual significance of such correlates can be tested. Results show that the higher domain-initial positions are associated with longer VOTs; longer ‘‘total’’ voiceless duration in closure; lower rms burst energy in stops but with substantial inter-speaker/consonantal variations; lower % of voicing during closure; and lower acoustic energy for nasal /n/. In addition, vowels in domain-initial CV were not found to be necessarily longer in a higher position whereas vowels in domain-final positions were. Linear correlations between each of the acoustic parameters and the articulatory magnitude (linguopalatal contact) will also be discussed. All in all, this study shows that articulatory strengthening in Korean does produce reliable acoustic correlates, which mark off prosodic positions in the speech signal. [Work supported by NSF.]
This study investigates effects of three prosodic factors—prosodic boundary (Utterance-initial vs. Utterance-medial), lexical stress (primary vs. secondary) and phrasal accent (accented vs. unaccented)—on articulatory and acoustic realizations of word-initial CVs (/nε/, /tε/) in trisyllabic English words. The consonantal measures were linguopalatal Peak contact and Release contacts (by electropalatography), Seal duration, Nasal duration and Nasal energy for /n/, VOT, RMS burst energy and spectral Center of Gravity at the release for /t/; and the vocalic measures were linguopalatal Vowel contact, Vowel F1, Vowel duration and Vowel amplitude. Several specific points emerge. Firstly, domain-initial articulation is differentiated from stress- or accent-induced articulations along several measures. Secondly, the vowel is effectively louder domain-initially, suggesting that the boundary effect is not strictly local to the initial consonant. Thirdly, some accentual effects can be seen in secondary-stressed syllables, suggesting that accentual influences spread beyond the primary-stressed syllable. Finally, unlike domain-initial effects, prominence effects are not cumulative. Thus we conclude that, at least for the kind of word-initial syllables tested here, different aspects of prosodic structure (domain boundary vs. prominence) are differentially encoded.
This study explores the phonetic nature of phonological stop voicing contrast in American English by investigating how phonetic implementation of the voicing contrast is modulated by the prosodic structure along the continuum of phonetic voicing. In particular, the present study examines (1) the effects of two kinds of prosodic strengthening that can arise with prosodic structuring, a boundary-related domain-initial strengthening (DIS) and a prominence-induced strengthening, and (2) the possible enhancement types of linguistic contrasts that can underlie prosodic strengthening. The phonetic voicing was estimated using the Integrated Voicing Index (IVI), taking into account both the voicing lag (positive VOT) and the voiced interval during the closure. Results obtained with initial stops in both trochaic and iambic words are encapsulated as follows. Under the influence of DIS, both voiced and voiceless stops were produced with an increase in voicelessness, showing an enhancement of structurally motivated syntagmatic (CV) contrast. The effect size was larger for voiced stops, yielding a boundary-induced phonetic reduction of voicing contrast. Under the influence of prominence (focus), both voiced and voiceless stops showed an increase in voicelessness only in trochaic words, but this time, it was voiceless stops that showed a far greater effect, resulting in a maximization of voicing contrast—i.e., an enhancement of paradigmatic contrast. Moreover, the reduced voicing for voiced stops under prominence even in the medial position indicates that voiced stops are realized in reference to the phonetic feature {vl. unaspirated} rather than {voiced}. These findings imply that seemingly non-contrastive low-level variation is indeed systematically modulated by the prosodic structure in reference to phonetic representations that regulate the phonetic implementation of phonological contrast in a given language. An alternative account is also discussed in the framework of Articulatory Phonology.
This study demonstrates some new aspects of preboundary lengthening and preaccentual shortening on a test word banana in American English. Preboundary lengthening was found to be extended to the initial unstressed syllable beyond the main-stressed syllable, presenting more complexity than has previously been assumed. Preaccentual shortening was observed regardless of boundary strength or the stress pattern (trochaic vs iambic) of the following context word, suggesting that it operates globally at an utterance level. The locus of preaccentual shortening, however, was modulated by prosodic boundary: It is realized on the final vowel IP-finally but on the non-final stressed vowel IP-medially.
Listeners possess a remarkable ability to adapt to acoustic variability in the realization of speech sound categories (e.g., different accents). The curren
In connected speech, phonological assimilation to neighboring words can lead to pronunciation variants (e.g., 'garden bench' ?''gardem bench").A large body of literature suggests that listeners use the phonetic context to reconstruct the intended word for assimilation types that often lead to incomplete assimilations (e.g., a pronunciation of ''garden" that carries cues for both a labial [m] and an alveolar [n]).In the current paper, we show that a similar context effect is observed for an assimilation that is often complete, Korean labial-to-velar place assimilation.In contrast to the context effects for partial assimilations, however, the context effects seem to rely completely on listeners' experience with the assimilation pattern in their native language.
• Fourteen studies show that fine phonetic detail is systematically regulated in shaping sound systems. • Fine phonetic detail links production, perception, and learning, sustaining contrasts and enabling sound change. • Sound systems emerge from controlled allocation of continuous phonetic parameters within prosodic structure. • Prosodic structure guides segmental and suprasegmental realization across languages and domains. • Phonetic grammar is a language-specific, system-internal control system shaped by motor, perceptual, and cognitive pressures. This special issue examines how fine phonetic detail participates in the shaping of sound systems. Across fourteen studies, the central theme is that subtle temporal, spectral, and articulatory patterns are not incidental by-products of articulation, but are systematically regulated aspects of speakers’ phonetic knowledge. They provide the means through which phonological contrasts and prosodic structure are realized, maintained, and sometimes reorganized. The contributions show how languages allocate continuous phonetic parameters—such as timing, coordination, voice quality, and nasality—within prosodic domains (e.g., phrases, words, and syllables) and under general biomechanical and communicative pressures. Studies of Irish, Hawaiian, Japanese, and Mandarin illustrate how prosodic structure guides segmental and suprasegmental realization. Work on English, German, Danish, and Cantonese demonstrates how fine phonetic detail underlies patterns of variation and creates potential pathways for change. Production connects naturally to perception and learning: findings from English accent adaptation and Samoan iterated learning reveal how listeners stabilize or reinterpret detail, linking individual processing to community-level patterning. A set of studies on Italian, Korean, English, and L2 German show how prominence reorganizes cues across articulation, interaction, and acquisition, shaping how speakers signal and listeners recover linguistic structure. These studies converge on a view in which fine phonetic detail arises from a central phonetic component (or the phonetic grammar) of linguistic structure—controlled by speakers, shaped by universal motor and perceptual constraints, and continually adjusted through perception and learning. In this perspective, sound systems emerge from the interplay of these regulated patterns, which sustain contrasts, support communication, and open principled routes for change.
This study investigated articulation of preboundary lengthening (PBL) in tri-syllabic pseudo words (bábaba, babába, bababá) in American English. Results from 10 speakers showed that PBL was modulated by the degree of prominence, i.e., the less prominent, the more PBL. PBL was attracted to the penultimate stressed syllable but only when the word received no pitch accent whereas the antepenultimate syllable showed no PBL. Kinematically, PBL was accompanied by a larger movement along with an increase in peak velocity, showing a kind of boundary-related articulatory strengthening, although there was some evidence of temporal expansion possibly due to lowered stiffness.
Prosodic structure in English speech is signalled, in part, by stronger articulation of consonants at the onset of intonational phrases (IPs) than of consonants that are IP-medial. In two cross-modal priming experiments, American English listeners heard sentences and decided whether visual letter strings, presented during the sentences, were real words. We manipulated sentence type (either no IP boundary or an IP boundary in a critical two-word sequence), splicing (whether the onset of the sequence’s second word was spliced from another token of that sentence or cross-spliced from a matched sentence with or without an IP boundary), and relatedness (whether the visual target was the first word in the spoken sequence). There was a relatedness effect on target responses for sentences with no IP boundary only when they were cross-spliced, that is, where splicing provided evidence of domain-initial strengthening. Listeners thus use this evidence when segmenting continuous speech.
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No abstract is provided for this article.
Two experiments examined whether perceptual recovery from Korean consonant-cluster simplification is based on language-specific phonological knowledge. In
