The research investigates the existence, nature and magnitude of the preferences of races to voluntarily “self‐segregate” into particular areas of urban housing markets. Housing market theory is employed to develop a model showing how housing price variations within a group can provide unambiguous evidence of their preferences for neighborhood racial composition. The model is operationalized in a multiple regression specification wherein the variations in a given racial group's housing prices become a function of the dwelling's attributes and the attributes of the neighborhood (including quality, status, stability and density) as well as housing submarket location and racial composition. The size and statistical significance of the coefficient of the last attribute provides the evidence sought. The regressions are estimated using two micro‐household data bases from St. Louis (1967) and Wooster, Ohio (1975), and results compared. Results show that St. Louis black owners had an aversion to larger black proportions within black submarket neighborhoods, with .7% lower housing prices associated with a 1% higher percentage black. Racial effects for black owners in preponderantly white areas and for black renters in all areas were statistically insignificant. St. Louis whites of both tenures did not demonstrate aversion to neighborhoods with higher percentages of blacks as long as they remained 25% black or less. In areas 25–50% black, however, white prices were 1.5% lower for owners and 3.2% lower for renters per 1% higher proportion black. Such associations continued in majority‐black areas, although the magnitudes of the price effect became progressively smaller. Wooster whites showed an aversion to living in neighborhoods having even a few percent of blacks, with prices 11% lower for owners and 7% lower for renters in such areas compared to all‐white ones.
The paper explores relationships between seven dimensions of land use in 1990 and subsequent levels of three traffic congestion outcomes in 2000 for a sample of 50 large US urban areas. Multiple regression models are developed to address several methodological concerns, including reverse causation and time-lags. Controlling for prior levels of congestion and changes in an urban area's transport network and relevant demographics, it is found that: density/ continuity is positively related to subsequent roadway ADT/lane and delay per capita; housing centrality is positively related to subsequent delay per capita; and housing-job proximity is inversely related to subsequent commute time. Only the last result corresponds to the conventional wisdom that more compact metropolitan land use patterns reduce traffic congestion. These results prove two points: that the choice of congestion measure may substantively affect the results; and that multivariate statistical analyses are necessary to control for potentially confounding influences, such as population growth and investment in the transport network.
No abstract is provided for this article.
This chapter presents debate about how the research, advocacy, and regulatory communities can work effectively to eradicate unlawful discrimination from our mortgage lending markets. It addresses how best to assess the nature and extent of illegal discrimination in mortgage and related markets. The chapter considers how individual violators can best be pinpointed, presumably as a prelude to enforcement or compliance actions. It looks at how studies of institutional context, deterrence versus education approaches, and future research can aid in developing ways to more effectively eliminate lending discrimination. The chapter suggests that two initiatives—preapplication testing and mortgage scoring—warrant special merit in the pantheon of future directions in both research and enforcement. The key question regarding sample design is the way in which the researcher chooses to allocate a given number of tests over the mortgage lenders in the metropolitan area under investigation.
No abstract is provided for this article.
No abstract is provided for this article.
Abstract Although prohibited by the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968, studies in the 1980s found that racial steering by real estate agents in the U.S. was still occurring. That legislation was strengthened in 1988, but throughout the 1990s, no study examined whether these tougher strictures helped eliminate steering. In 2000, HUD and the Urban Institute conducted the national Housing Discrimination Study in 20 U.S. metropolitan areas to replicate and extend that earlier work. In this article, we report the results of this latest study, which examined three types of steering and three steering mechanisms, all at three geographic scales. The results indicate that steering of all types is occurring when Black and White homebuyers are involved. In at least 12 to 15% of the cases, agents provided gratuitous commentary that gave more information to White homebuyers and encouraged them to choose homes in areas with more White and fewer poor households. Steering is less prevalent when Hispanic and White buyers are involved. We also found no evidence that steering declined over the last decade, despite the toughening of the federal legislation in 1988. We conclude by discussing the implications for interracial wealth differentials and new fair housing enforcement initiatives.
No abstract is provided for this article.
This paper presents a comparative static analysis using a conceptual model of the social benefits and costs associated with alternative spatial distributions of the poor. This analysis demonstrates that the necessary and sufficient conditions for justifying deconcentration of the poor on the grounds of increasing net social benefits are much more stringent than is commonly believed, fundamentally involving particular sorts of non-linear relationships between neighborhood poverty rates and the propensity of neighboring individuals to engage in problem behaviors and to earn less. The paper then conducts a meta-analysis of the limited empirical evidence available. The weight of the evidence implies that net social benefits would be improved if neighborhoods with greater than about 15% poverty rates were replaced with (an appropriately larger number) of neighborhoods having less than 15% poverty rates. However, net social benefits would be smaller if neighborhoods with greater than about 40% poverty rates were replaced with (an appropriately larger number) of neighborhoods having between about 15–40% poverty rates.
No abstract is provided for this article.
Supporters of urban revitalization have relied on community development corporations (CDCs) to carry a major share of the front-line burden. This research presents new evidence that these community-controlled, market-responsive organizations can indeed spark a chain reaction of investment. Advanced econometric analysis shows that CDC residential and commercial investments have led to increases in property values--the single-best measure of neighborhood improvement--as great as 69 percent higher than they would have been otherwise. To achieve these results, CDCs did more than just develop projects; they also brought business people, civic organizations, and public agencies into the neighborhood improvement process.
Neighborhood poverty experienced over time by low-income households is a topic of increasing interest and public policy importance. We employ sequence analysis of neighborhood poverty rates to identify distinct patterns among the 18- to 22-year longitudinal residential trajectories of 389 low-income households in the United States who formed households during 1988–1992, as represented in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Our most striking finding is the important role of poverty in their first neighborhood to the probability that low-income households ultimately reside in neighborhoods with higher poverty rates. Contrary to conventional wisdom, there are a wide variety of neighborhood poverty trajectories that low-income American households experience. However, those with felicitous neighborhood trajectories were almost entirely White households. The majority of Blacks formed households in high-poverty neighborhoods and were unlikely to live in any other sort of neighborhood for the next two decades when they are typically raising children. In addition, both in-place neighborhood changes and residential mobility have likely led to this racial variation in low-income neighborhood trajectories. We contribute to the evidence base about the role of place in perpetuating socioeconomic and racial inequalities.
This paper examines the results of a paired testing study of neighbourhood-based discrimination in the provision of quotes for home insurance in New York City and Phoenix, Arizona. We examine whether agents treated insurance-seekers buying their first homes in moderate-income, predominantly black or Hispanic-occupied neighbourhoods differently from insurance-seekers in comparable predominantly white neighbourhoods. The study examines differences in whether a quote is provided, the type of insurance and policy options offered and the premium quoted. Overall, of 10 key measures (5 for each city), only 1 (optional replacement cost coverage on personal property in Phoenix) showed a statistically significant difference consistent with discrimination. Testers in Hispanic neighbourhoods of Phoenix were quoted premiums 12 per cent higher than those offered to testers in white neighbourhoods. This difference, however, is in line with the price schedules for the state-approved rating territories in which the white and Hispanic homes were located.
Quantitative and qualitative methods are employed to investigate the extent to which proximity to 14 supportive housing facilities opening in Denver from 1992 to 1995 affects crime rates. The econometric specification provides pre– and post– controls for selection bias as well as a spatial autocorrelation correction. Focus groups with homeowners living near supportive housing provide richer context for interpreting the econometric results. The findings suggest that developers paying close attention to facility scale and siting can avoid negative neighborhood impacts and render their supportive housing invisible to neighbors. Implications for structuring local regulations and public education regarding supportive housing facilities follow.
No abstract is provided for this article.
