176 publications from this institution
In this paper, we show that adult listeners who speak the same native language but live in different linguistic environments differ in their use of prosodic cues that signal word boundaries in the native language. Non-utterance-final word-final syllables have higher fundamental frequency in French. Adult native French listeners living in France or in the US completed an artificial-language segmentation task where fundamental frequency cued word-final boundaries (experimental). Other native French listeners living in France completed the corresponding task without prosodic cues (control). Results showed that France French listeners outperformed US French listeners and control French listeners, but US French listeners did not outperform control French listeners. The poorer performance of US French listeners is attributed to their regular exposure to (and thus interference from) English, a language where fundamental frequency signals wordinitial boundaries. This suggests speech segmentation is adaptive, with listeners tuning in to the prosody of their linguistic environment.
The current study investigates how prosodic strengthening induced by boundary and accent influences the articulation of English low front vowel /ae/ in add, had, and pad. Using Electromagnetic Articulograph (EMA), lip and jaw opening maxima, and tongue dorsum maxima in the horizontal (x) and vertical (y) dimensions were measured during the vocalic production. Boundary-induced strengthening was found in the tongue height (TD-y) dimension in all three words: /ae/ was lower domain-initially than -medially. In other measures, the boundary effect was conditioned by accent and the location of /ae/ within words. Domaininitial strengthening was found with the jaw opening maxima, with larger opening in a higher prosodic position, but it was only when the target words were unaccented. Also, the vowel in add tended to get fronted in a domain-initial position, but the same tendency was not observed in had and pad, suggesting the possibility that initial strengthening effect is conditioned by ‘phonological’ distance from the boundary edge. (had is phonologically similar to pad in that /h/ and /p/ occupy a phonological onset position.) Accent-induced strengthening was robust in all four articulatory measures. Results show that an accent-independent boundary effect is observed on vowels even in a language with lexical stress, and that the articulatory planning for the boundary-induced strengthening on vowels interacts with accent-induced strengthening.