Publications

This article provides some supplementary analysis data of speech production and perception of glottal stops in the Semitic language Maltese. In Maltese, a glottal stop can occur as a phoneme, but also as a phonetic marker of vowel-initial words (as in the case with Germanic languages like English). Data from four experiments are provided, which will allow other researchers to reproduce the results and apply their own data-analysis techniques to these data for further data exploration. A production experiment (Experiment 1) investigates how often the glottal marking of vowel-initial words occurs (causing vowel-initial words to be ambiguous with words starting with a glottal stop as a phoneme) and whether the glottal gesture for this marking can be differentiated from an underlying (phonemic) glottal stop in its acoustic properties. Experiments 2 to 4 investigate how and to what extent Maltese listeners perceive glottal markings as lexical (phonemic) or epenthetic (phonetic), using a two-alternative forced choice task (Experiment 2), a visual-world eye tracking task with printed target words (Experiment 3) and a gating task (Experiment 4). A full account of theoretical consequences of these data can be found in the full length article entitled "The glottal stop between segmental and suprasegmental processing: The case of Maltese" [1].

This study investigated how the L1 phonetics-prosody interface transfers to L2 by examining prosodic strengthening effects (due to prosodic position and focus) on English voicing contrast (bad-pad) as produced by Korean vs English speakers. Under prosodic strengthening, Korean speakers showed a greater F0 difference due to voicing than English speakers, suggesting that their experience with the macroprosodic use of F0 in Korean transfers into L2. Furthermore, Korean speakers produced voiced stops with low F0 and short voice onset time as English speakers did, although such a cue pairing is absent in Korean, showing dissociation of cues from L1 segments for L2 production.

This study was supported by the National Research Foundation of Korean Grant funded by the Korean Government (NRF2013S1A2A2035410) to Taehong Cho.

No abstract is provided for this article.

UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics No. 106, pp. 1-33 Effects of initial position versus prominence in English Taehong Cho Hanyang University, Korea tcho@hanyang.ac.kr Patricia Keating keating@humnet.ucla.edu Abstract This study investigates effects of three prosodic factors—prosodic boundary (Utterance-initial vs. Utterance-medial), lexical stress (primary vs. secondary) and phrasal accent (accented vs. unaccented)—on articulatory and acoustic realizations of word-initial CVs (/ne/, /te/) in trisyllabic English words. Articulatory measurements include linguopalatal contact (by electropalatography) for both C and V, and seal duration; acoustic measurements include nasal duration and energy for /n/, VOT, burst energy and spectral center of gravity for /t/, and F1, vowel duration and vowel amplitude for /e/. Several specific points emerge. First, domain-initial articulation is differentiated from stress- or accent-induced articulations in many aspects; for the most part, prominence affects vowel measures while initial position affects consonant measures. Nonetheless, the vowel is also effectively louder domain-initially, suggesting that the boundary effect is not strictly local to the initial consonant. Second, the boundary (domain-initial) effect is not seen across-the-board, but is often constrained by stress and accent factors, revealing that domain-initial strengthening is more effective when a relevant phonetic dimension does not undergo a compelling strengthening coming from stress or accent. Third, some accentual effects can be seen on secondary-stressed syllables, suggesting that accentual influences spread beyond the primary-stressed syllable. But this spread is mainly seen with consonantal measures, showing an asymmetric accentual influence between consonantal and vocalic articulations. 1. Introduction Prosodic structure has been widely recognized as an essential element of speech production, as it conveys a great deal of both structural and discourse information (Selkirk, 1995; Swerts & Geluykens, 1994; Herman, 2000). A large body of phonetic studies in the past two decades has increasingly demonstrated the importance of fine-grained phonetic detail in building up differential prosodic structures of utterances. One of the most conspicuous phonetic hallmarks of prosodic structure is domain-final lengthening (e.g. Klatt, 1975; Wightman et al., 1992; Gussenhoven & Rietveld, 1992, Edwards, Beckman & Fletcher, 1991; Cho, 2002, 2006; Byrd,

This study examines how young speakers of Seoul Korean produce tri-consonantal clusters /1kt/ and /1pt/ as in palk-ta ('to be bright') and palp-ta ('to step on'). Production data were collected from 20 speakers of Seoul Korean. The results of narrow transcription of the data showed that simplification is not obligatory as some speakers often preserve all three consonants. When simplified, there was a clear asymmetry between /1kt/ and /1pt/. Speakers showed no clear preference for either C1 preservation (C1=/1/) or C2 preservation (C2=/k/ in /1kt/ and /p/ in /1pt/) in production of /1kt/, but in production of /1pt/, strong preference was found for C1-preserved to C2-preserved variant. When compared with production data in Cho (1999), simplification patterns appear to have changed over the past 10 years, in a direction to preserve the first member of the cluster (/1/) more often, especially with /1kt/. There was no substantial between-item variation, indicating that simplification patterns are not lexically specified. Finally, the results suggest that the process of tri-consonantal simplification has not been fully phonologized in the grammar of the language as evident in substantial inter- and intra-speaker variation.

o/√ merger; and (4) at least for the urban Cheju speakers, the merger is best accounted for by the merger-by-transfer model, a unidirectional change in which one phonemic category becomes another (cf. Labov, 1994). Further, when our data are compared with other acoustic data available (including studies of the standard Korean in the 1960s and 1990s), it suggests that the directionality of the diachronic sound change is guided by both auditorily and articulatorily based principles such as contrast maximization and effort minimization principles.

This study investigates how prosodic strengthening is kinematically manifested in V-to-V lingual movement in English CV#CV context (where # is a prosodic boundary). Results showed that both boundary and accent gave rise to a kind of prosodic strengthening (showing spatial and temporal expansion), but exact kinematic patterns of prosodic strengthening were different as a function of the type of gesture (tongue lowering versus raising) associated with different vowels (/i/to-/ alpha/ vs. /alpha/-to-/i/) and the source of prosodic strengthening (boundary versus accentuation). This implies that speakers must know about prosodic structure and differentiate the two sources of prosodic strengthening in a systematic fine-grained fashion. From a theoretical point of view regarding a mass-spring gestural model, results suggested that kinematic patterns of prosodic strengthening could not be fully accounted for by any particular dynamical parameter, presenting a complex nature of prosodic strengthening. The results also implied that the theory of the pi-gesture (the prosodic boundary gesture) under the rubric of the mass-spring gestural model needs to be refined in terms of how the theory defines the exact scope of the pi-gesture's influence in the temporal dimension and how it differentiates boundary-induced articulation from an accent-induced one.

Prosodic influences on phonetic realizations of four Dutch consonants (/t d s z/) were examined. Sentences were constructed containing these consonants in word-initial position; the factors lexical stress, phrasal accent and prosodic boundary were manipulated between sentences. Eleven Dutch speakers read these sentences aloud. The patterns found in acoustic measurements of these utterances (e.g., voice onset time (VOT), consonant duration, voicing during closure, spectral center of gravity, burst energy) indicate that the low-level phonetic implementation of all four consonants is modulated by prosodic structure. Boundary effects on domain-initial segments were observed in stressed and unstressed syllables, extending previous findings which have been on stressed syllables alone. Three aspects of the data are highlighted. First, shorter VOTs were found for /t/ in prosodically stronger locations (stressed, accented and domain-initial), as opposed to longer VOTs in these positions in English. This suggests that prosodically driven phonetic realization is bounded by language-specific constraints on how phonetic features are specified with phonetic content: Shortened VOT in Dutch reflects enhancement of the phonetic feature {−spread glottis}, while lengthened VOT in English reflects enhancement of {+spread glottis}. Prosodic strengthening therefore appears to operate primarily at the phonetic level, such that prosodically driven enhancement of phonological contrast is determined by phonetic implementation of these (language-specific) phonetic features. Second, an accent effect was observed in stressed and unstressed syllables, and was independent of prosodic boundary size. The domain of accentuation in Dutch is thus larger than the foot. Third, within a prosodic category consisting of those utterances with a boundary tone but no pause, tokens with syntactically defined Phonological Phrase boundaries could be differentiated from the other tokens. This syntactic influence on prosodic phrasing implies the existence of an intermediate-level phrase in the prosodic hierarchy of Dutch.

This study investigates how second-language (L2) listeners from five first-language (L1) backgrounds—English, Dutch, Mandarin, Spanish, and Korean—perceive English lexical stress, focusing on their use of vowel quality, pitch, and duration cues. Participants completed a cue-weighting perception task (Tremblay et al., 2021) in which two acoustic dimensions were manipulated orthogonally while the third was neutralized. Data for Dutch listeners come from the original study. Predictions about cross-lin-<br/>guistic transfer were based on the functional weight of each cue in the L1. The following L1 effects were predicted: For vowel quality: English, Mandarin &gt; Dutch &gt; Spanish, Korean; for pitch: Mandarin &gt; Korean &gt; Dutch, Spanish &gt; English; for duration: English, Mandarin&gt; Dutch, Spanish &gt; Korean. Bayesian mixed-effects models tested the effects of cues and L1 with L2 proficiency (Lemh€ofer &amp; Broersma, 2012) as a covariate. The results aligned broadly with our predictions: for vowel quality, English-&gt; Mandarin &gt; Dutch &gt; Korean &gt; Spanish; for pitch: Mandarin &gt; Korean, Dutch &gt; Spanish &gt; English; for duration: English, Mandarin, Dutch &gt; Spanish &gt; Korean. These findings support a cue-weighting typology shaped by L1-specific cue prominence, with implications for theories of transfer and perceptual learning in L2 acquisition.

This study investigated how three different kinds of hyper-articulation, one communicatively driven (in clear speech), and two prosodically driven (with boundary and prominence/focus), are acoustic-phonetically realized in Korean. Several important points emerged from the results obtained from an acoustic study with eight speakers of Seoul Korean. First, clear speech gave rise to global modification of the temporal and prosodic structures over the course of the utterance, showing slowing down of the utterance and more prosodic phrases. Second, although the three kinds of hyper-articulation were similar in some aspects, they also differed in many aspects, suggesting that different sources of hyper-articulation are encoded separately in speech production. Third, the three kinds of hyper-articulation interacted with each other; the communicatively driven hyper-articulation was prosodically modulated, such that in a clear speech mode not every segment was hyper-articulated to the same degree, but prosodically important landmarks (e.g., in IP-initial and/or focused conditions) were weighted more. Finally, Korean, a language without lexical stress and pitch accent, showed different hyper-articulation patterns compared to other, Indo-European languages such as English—i.e., it showed more robust domain-initial strengthening effects (extended beyond the first initial segment), focus effects (extended to V1 and V2 of the entire bisyllabic test word) and no use of global F0 features in clear speech. Overall, the present study suggests that the communicatively driven and the prosodically driven hyper-articulations are intricately intertwined in ways that reflect not only interactions of principles of gestural economy and contrast enhancement, but also language-specific prosodic systems, which further modulate how the three kinds of hyper-articulations are phonetically expressed.

The present study investigates effects of Boundary and Prominence (focus) on the /a/-to-/i/ tongue movement in Korean in two contexts: V#V and V#/m/V. Results show that the tongue movement at an IP boundary is larger, longer, and faster. Prominence effects show a relatively weaker but comparable pattern to the boundary effect, showing a larger, longer, and faster movement. The observed boundary-induced strengthening pattern in Korean is clearly different from that in English, implying that Korean, a language without constraints from the lexical stress system, has more freedom to strengthen articulation at prosodic junctures, creating strengthening patterns which are often encountered with prominence marking in English. Results also reveal that the presence of a consonant influences transboundary vocalic movement, and that the consonantal influence is further modulated by boundary strength. These results taken together are further discussed in terms of language-specificity of prosodic strengthening and its implications for the pi-gesture model.

Voice onset time (VOT) is known to vary with place of articulation. For any given place of articulation there are differences from one language to another. Using data from multiple speakers of 18 languages, all of which were recorded and analyzed in the same way, we show that most, but not all, of the within language place of articulation variation can be described by universally applicable phonetic rules (although the physiological bases for these rules are not entirely clear). The between language variation is also largely (but not entirely) predictable by assuming that languages choose one of the three possibilities for the degree of aspiration of voiceless stops. Some languages, however, have VOTs that are markedly different from the generally observed values. The phonetic output of a grammar has to contain language specific components to account for these results.

Recent studies have indicated that vowels in prosodically strong positions (e.g., in stressed syllables and at edges of prosodic boundaries) are not only strongly articulated, but also resistant to coarticulation with neighboring vowels. This paper further examines vowel-to-vowel coarticulation in English by analyzing extensive articulatory data from six American English speakers, using the Electromagnetic Articulograph (EMA). It is hypothesized that vowels in prosodically strong positions are more resistant to coarticulation with their neighbors, and at the same time encroach more on their neighbors. To test this, sentences were designed so that they included /V1♯bV2/ where V1 and V2 were manipulated, resulting in /a-a/, /i-i/ (control condition) and /a-i/, /i-a/ (test condition). Vowels also varied in sentence stress (accented versus unaccented) and in the intervening boundaries (♯ = Word, ip, IP). The vertical and horizontal positions of three tongue points and jaw are examined at five different points (onset, first quarter, middle, three quarters and end) in the vowel, to assess how much of the vowel articulation is anticipated or carried over at different points of the vowel. This shows variation in degree of V-to-V coarticulation under various prosodic conditions. [Work supported by NSF doctoral research grant.]

This study investigated how acoustic characteristics (i.e., duration, F1, F2) of English high front vowels /i, ɪ/ are modulated by boundary- and prominence-induced strengthening in native vs. non-native (Korean) speech production. The study also examined how the durational difference in vowels due to the voicing of a following consonant (i.e., voiced vs. voiceless) is modified by prosodic strengthening in two different (native vs. non-native) speaker groups. Five native speakers of Canadian English and eight Korean learners of English (intermediate-advanced level) produced 8 minimal pairs with the CVC sequence (e.g., 'beat'-'bit') in varying prosodic contexts. Native speakers distinguished the two vowels in terms of duration, F1, and F2, whereas non-native speakers only showed durational differences. The two groups were similar in that they maximally distinguished the two vowels when the vowels were accented (F2, duration), while neither group showed boundary-induced strengthening in any of the three measurements. The durational differences due to the voicing of the following consonant were also maximized when accented. The results are discussed further in terms of phonetics-prosody interface in L2 production.